International audience ; In this contribution, the meaning of economic nationalism and the possibilities of pursuing nationalist policies in the context of increasingly interdependent economic processes are discussed. Economic nationalism need not solely be affiliated with statist protectionism, while very few states dispose the necessary economic, social, political and institutional conditions to influence economic policy given the long-term tendencies that undermine nationalist wills (empowerment of supranational bodies, internationalization of production, deindustrialization). Even these states are not monolithic and the pattern of business/government relations in different fields would have a critical influence. Nationalist-type policies would probably be fragmented, followed in some specific domains under powerful constraints.
International audience ; In this contribution, the meaning of economic nationalism and the possibilities of pursuing nationalist policies in the context of increasingly interdependent economic processes are discussed. Economic nationalism need not solely be affiliated with statist protectionism, while very few states dispose the necessary economic, social, political and institutional conditions to influence economic policy given the long-term tendencies that undermine nationalist wills (empowerment of supranational bodies, internationalization of production, deindustrialization). Even these states are not monolithic and the pattern of business/government relations in different fields would have a critical influence. Nationalist-type policies would probably be fragmented, followed in some specific domains under powerful constraints.
International audience ; In this contribution, the meaning of economic nationalism and the possibilities of pursuing nationalist policies in the context of increasingly interdependent economic processes are discussed. Economic nationalism need not solely be affiliated with statist protectionism, while very few states dispose the necessary economic, social, political and institutional conditions to influence economic policy given the long-term tendencies that undermine nationalist wills (empowerment of supranational bodies, internationalization of production, deindustrialization). Even these states are not monolithic and the pattern of business/government relations in different fields would have a critical influence. Nationalist-type policies would probably be fragmented, followed in some specific domains under powerful constraints.
International audience ; In this contribution, the meaning of economic nationalism and the possibilities of pursuing nationalist policies in the context of increasingly interdependent economic processes are discussed. Economic nationalism need not solely be affiliated with statist protectionism, while very few states dispose the necessary economic, social, political and institutional conditions to influence economic policy given the long-term tendencies that undermine nationalist wills (empowerment of supranational bodies, internationalization of production, deindustrialization). Even these states are not monolithic and the pattern of business/government relations in different fields would have a critical influence. Nationalist-type policies would probably be fragmented, followed in some specific domains under powerful constraints.
International audience ; In this contribution, the meaning of economic nationalism and the possibilities of pursuing nationalist policies in the context of increasingly interdependent economic processes are discussed. Economic nationalism need not solely be affiliated with statist protectionism, while very few states dispose the necessary economic, social, political and institutional conditions to influence economic policy given the long-term tendencies that undermine nationalist wills (empowerment of supranational bodies, internationalization of production, deindustrialization). Even these states are not monolithic and the pattern of business/government relations in different fields would have a critical influence. Nationalist-type policies would probably be fragmented, followed in some specific domains under powerful constraints.
abstract : Setting up a new institutional framework in Russia is conditioned by the deep socioeconomic crisis, high degree of uncertainty and menaces against economic actors. In this context, the stability necessary for forming the expectations that foster economic activity is located in the networks that, by structuring organizational strategies for coping with uncertainty, acquire an institutional dimension. The high density of interor- ganizational flows is at the origin of the practices, codes and rules that influence new models of behavior and their diffusion, the characteristics of markets, or even interactions between the private and public sectors. By favoring the development of quite specific local conventions, post-Socialist networks in Russia break up the nation's socioeconomic space. This might hinder the formation of common representations and norms and hamper the emergence of a relatively coherent and stable institutional framework.
International audience ; Political strategies are a crucial matter for MNEs in the context of globalization. We argue that MNEs' influence on political decision-making depends on their insertion into policy networks, which define the institutional framework and the interaction patterns of business/government relations in different issue-areas. Then, we propose a stylized taxonomy regarding the differentiation of MNEs' political leverage in various domains, at a home country level. Finally, we explore the influence of political power at home on MNEs' strategic approaches to the host countries, taking into account the bargaining power of local actors in the concerned issue-areas.
International audience ; Political strategies are a crucial matter for MNEs in the context of globalization. We argue that MNEs' influence on political decision-making depends on their insertion into policy networks, which define the institutional framework and the interaction patterns of business/government relations in different issue-areas. Then, we propose a stylized taxonomy regarding the differentiation of MNEs' political leverage in various domains, at a home country level. Finally, we explore the influence of political power at home on MNEs' strategic approaches to the host countries, taking into account the bargaining power of local actors in the concerned issue-areas.
International audience ; Political strategies are a crucial matter for MNEs in the context of globalization. We argue that MNEs' influence on political decision-making depends on their insertion into policy networks, which define the institutional framework and the interaction patterns of business/government relations in different issue-areas. Then, we propose a stylized taxonomy regarding the differentiation of MNEs' political leverage in various domains, at a home country level. Finally, we explore the influence of political power at home on MNEs' strategic approaches to the host countries, taking into account the bargaining power of local actors in the concerned issue-areas.
International audience ; Political strategies are a crucial matter for MNEs in the context of globalization. We argue that MNEs' influence on political decision-making depends on their insertion into policy networks, which define the institutional framework and the interaction patterns of business/government relations in different issue-areas. Then, we propose a stylized taxonomy regarding the differentiation of MNEs' political leverage in various domains, at a home country level. Finally, we explore the influence of political power at home on MNEs' strategic approaches to the host countries, taking into account the bargaining power of local actors in the concerned issue-areas.
International audience ; Political strategies are a crucial matter for MNEs in the context of globalization. We argue that MNEs' influence on political decision-making depends on their insertion into policy networks, which define the institutional framework and the interaction patterns of business/government relations in different issue-areas. Then, we propose a stylized taxonomy regarding the differentiation of MNEs' political leverage in various domains, at a home country level. Finally, we explore the influence of political power at home on MNEs' strategic approaches to the host countries, taking into account the bargaining power of local actors in the concerned issue-areas.
International audience ; Political strategies are a crucial matter for MNEs in the context of globalization. We argue that MNEs' influence on political decision-making depends on their insertion into policy networks, which define the institutional framework and the interaction patterns of business/government relations in different issue-areas. Then, we propose a stylized taxonomy regarding the differentiation of MNEs' political leverage in various domains, at a home country level. Finally, we explore the influence of political power at home on MNEs' strategic approaches to the host countries, taking into account the bargaining power of local actors in the concerned issue-areas.
Bulgaria, and the strategic approach of Western firms to internationalization. The opening of the economies of Eastern Europe represents a new field of competition for the economies and enterprises of the West, a source of uncertainty at the same time with prospects of apportunity and danger. A study of the tactics of Western firms in Bulgaria is particularly useful for showing up the shadowy areas left unclear by an approach based on attractiveness. Indeed, what are the factors motivating the firms who become involved in what is globally a fairly unattractive market ? The basic hypothesis is that internationalization involves a limiting dimension arising from the competitive postures and pressures which firms undergo on their home market. From this viewpoint, the intrisic attractiveness of a country would lie in the extent and degree of permanence and commitment, and not in the basic decision wether or not to show one's presence in the market in question. Thus, a weak attraction need not discourage an interest in Bulgaria, on the part of certain Western firms, but would fundamentally influence the kind of methods used for internationalizing the local production system. As for enterprises, it seems that Bulgaria largely attracts " followers" (large groups who are losing momentum on specific markets, or SMEs, not necessarily running at a loss, but relatively vulnerable and short of funds). At the same time, the number of active parties and opportunity schemes is considerable. The prime concern of these enterprises is to effect an entry into the market, and the process of internationalizing the Bulgarian economy seems, at the present stage, to be passing through the phase of trade rather than that of production.
